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He began by raising in the centre a hall of basilical 41 type, which he dedicated to St. The text has been discovered in a MS. The first four hexameters do not bring out in a good light the poetical faculties of the worthy pontiff—in fact their real meaning has not yet been ascertained; but the last three verses are more intelligible:. Jerome calls them chartarium ecclesiae Romanae. But a still more lasting monument of his fame is the Latin Vulgate, which he incited Jerome—as the English-speaking world calls Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus—to prepare for the Church of the West.

From a very early time Latin translations of the Scriptures from the Greek version of the Old Testament and the Greek original of the New Testament had been in existence. He came to Rome from Syria in , to ask the aid of Damasus in behalf of the Luciferian schism at Antioch—a matter in which the Bishop of Rome hardly could meddle. Even before his 42 arrival he had been in correspondence with Damasus and had written for him an exposition of the vision of the Seraphim in Isaiah 6. Damasus called a synod in which the schism at Antioch was discussed, but no result reached.

It is said that in this synod he exhorted Jerome to take up the work of giving the Church a good Latin version of the Bible. A ninth-century writer says he put him in charge of the Archivum , or public library, described by Professor Lanciani. It seems probable that Damasus regarded him as a desirable man for the bishopric when his own death should leave it vacant. But when his death came in , the Dalmatian scholar was passed over, perhaps because he was not a Roman, and a much smaller man than either Damasus or Jerome was chosen instead.

So Jerome went back to the East and established himself at Bethlehem. Between and he completed his version of the Scriptures, which is of especial importance to the student of Latin hymnology, as it stands in much the same relation to the Latin hymns of the fifth and later centuries as does the English Bible to the English hymn-writers.

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It controls their vocabulary and explains their allusions. As a poet Damasus does not take very high rank. Some forty poems are attributed to him, but only a very few of these concern us here. In the Cottonian MSS. There is no reason, however, to call in question the two hymns—one to the Martyr Agatha and the other to the Apostle Andrew—which are ascribed to him in the collections.

And the former is especially remarkable as being the oldest hymn in which rhyme is employed intentionally and throughout. Of course if it were true that Hilary wrote the Jesu refulsit omnium or the Jesu quadrigenariae , which sometimes are printed as his, we should be obliged to assign to him the honor thus claimed for Damasus. But the preponderance of evidence and of presumption is against ascribing these hymns to him. Koch assigns the latter to the fifth century 43 and not to the fourth. Mone ascribes the former to one of the early Irish hymn-writers, whose name is lost to us.

He finds in it a tendency to alliterative construction, which indicates either Celtic or Teutonic authorship; and he is decided for the former by the mixture of Greek words, which was a favorite practice with the Irish hymn writers. Also the metrical form is one affected by them. On these grounds it is fair to claim that the hymn of Damasus marks the introduction of end-rhymes into the Latin hymns. Rhyme was by no means unknown in the poetry of the Greeks and the Romans.

But in languages which occupied that stage of grammatical development in which the relations of words are expressed by terminations, the resemblances in these were so numerous and so constant that rhyme must have appeared rather a cheap form for poetry. So in this stage we find the Southern Aryans of Europe employing the quantity of syllables and those of Northern Europe the coincidences of initial sounds stabreim or alliteration and assonance in their verse.

It was when the development of languages substituted auxiliary and connecting words for terminations that the coincidences of final sounds became so much a source of pleasure to the ear as to justify their continuous employment for that purpose. It is a matter of dispute whether the Saturnian verse-form, to whose early prevalence and prolonged existence among the classes not pervaded by Greek culture Horace alludes, was based on an accentual scansion or merely on a numbering of syllables and a rude approach to quantity.

The general consensus of scholars is that the Saturnian metres were based on accent, and 44 that rhyme, which is the natural and invariable product of the accentual scansion, was also in use. So this hidden current of rhymed and accented poetry of the common people rose to light again after many ages in the hymns of the Western Church.

Thus Damasus brings us to the parting of the ways. In Hilary, Ambrose and his school, Prudentius, Ennodius, Fortunatus, Elpis, Gregory, and Bede we have the perpetuation of the classic tradition of quantitative verse in the service of Christendom and for the ear of the cultivated classes. But Damasus stands at the head of a still more illustrious line. Catching, perhaps, from the Etruscan and Sabine peasants, who thronged the Catacombs on the day when the Martyr Agatha was commemorated, the accents of the popular poetry, he became the founder of the tradition which lives in the broader current of Latin sacred song.

In this line of succession we find already a few of the Ambrosian hymns, and then a long series in which the two Bernards, Adam of St. And as indeed the tradition of accent and rhyme seems to have made its way into the literature of the modern world through the Latin hymns, Dante and all the great poets who have illustrated its power to give pleasure might be said to belong here.

The hymn in commemoration of the Martyr Agatha—whose story of suffering and triumph had seized on the imagination of the people as did those of the martyrs Cecilia and Sebastian—we 45 give with the English version of the Rev. Anketell, which he has kindly permitted us to use. It will be observed that Mr. But it seems much more unlikely that this line should be altered to the line as given above, than that the contrary change should have been made. Emendators generally pass from the concrete to the vague, from the specific to the general.

It would appear that the Ambrosian hymns obtained much of their earliest recognition in Spain. These and similar enactments had reference to the body of hymns which had received the name of the Bishop of Milan. Then, as now, they formed the true fragrant cedar-heart of the old psalmody, and it is from their structure that the Council of Toledo drew its famous definition.

Si ergo sit laus, et non sit Dei, non est hymnus. Si sit et laus Dei laus [ sic ] et non cantatur non est hymnus. Si ergo laudem Dei dicitur et cantatur, tunc est hymnus. If therefore there be praise, but not of God, this is no hymn. If there be praise, praise of God, but not capable of being sung, this is no hymn. If therefore the praise of God be both composed and sung, it is then a hymn. His father was a Roman noble who became praetorian prefect of the province of Gallia Narbonensis; and as Hither Gaul was an important region, it can be easily seen that the young Ambrose was reared in the midst of wealth and power.

His mother was a learned woman and he naturally imbibed letters as he grew up.

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A tradition, which is probably based 48 on fact, assures us that even in his cradle he was marked for fame. A swarm of bees came down upon him, and the amazed nurse saw them clustered about his very mouth without harming him. This was the same prodigy which had been related of Plato, and hence his parents imagined a high destiny for the lad. It was indeed a singular and suggestive commentary on his future life. He preserved his equanimity amid a great deal of buzzing; and the sweetness of his speech won to him no less a convert than the great Augustine. His entire career was worthy of the sainted Sotheria, his ancestress, who was martyred for the faith under Diocletian.

He appears to us a man of both character and conscience. His education was given him at Rome, and his brother Satyrus and himself went to Milan to practice at the bar. His success as a pleader was great. He became first assessor to the prefect with the rank of Consularis , whose headquarters were now at Milan; and subsequently he took charge of Liguria and Emilia. Now Milan was the capital of Liguria and it was the business of the praetor to preside in the stead of the Emperor over the choice of a bishop.

Auxentius, an Arian, who had held this office, died in and a new election was necessary. This was not an easy matter, for the feud between the Catholics and the Arians was at fever-heat, and rioting and bloodshed were very certain to occur. His genial gravity and calm serenity of spirit aided the impression he meant to produce. Both factions gazed upon him with delight. His attitude was so unpartisan as to charm everybody, and it was very natural that this eloquent representative of the Emperor should carry the suffrages of the throng.

In later days it was maliciously said that Ambrose had himself contrived this scene with an eye to the stage effect—that for all his apparent humility the coming bishop set store by the office and wanted to obtain it—that, in short, his reluctance to receive it and even his precipitate flight from the city were prearranged! More than this, it has been asserted that the various schemes and subterfuges to avoid becoming bishop were known to and abetted by his friends, who were of the orthodox party and desired to have their candidate elected.

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The best reply that can be given is the character of the man himself. Such a person must have entertained the highest reverence for such an office. In his administration of its cares and duties he showed a conscious supremacy over every worldly consideration. In his final acceptance of it he evinced no less of self-denial than of sincerity. And it is incredible that so mighty a mind as that of Augustine could have been caught by the glittering emptiness of a hypocritical or self-seeking nature.

We may well charge these calumnies to their proper sources—those, namely, of disappointed ambition or of envious malignity. The record of this endeavor to escape office reads singularly enough. He first put some criminals to the torture, hoping by this means to shock the people through his hard-hearted justice. When this would not do he avowed philosophic rather than Christian sentiments. Having again failed, he welcomed some very profligate persons—men and women—to his palace in a way to invite scandal. This expedient being also detected he actually escaped from the city by night, but lost his way and found himself in front of the gates when morning dawned.

But the friend immediately betrayed him for his own good, and this well-meant treachery fastened the mitre firmly on his brow. Basil the Great gloried in this new coadjutor; and at the age of thirty-four or thereabouts, he himself became convinced that he could struggle no longer against his fate. It was thus that Ambrose finally assumed the episcopate, and it was soon evident that this catechumen—for he had not even been 50 previously baptized—respected its dignities and meant that others should be of the same mind as himself.

He gave up his private fortune, selling his large estates and personal property, and reserving from them only a proper allowance to his sister Marcellina, who had early taken the vow of virginity. He associated with this proceeding the most strict method of living. This is the character, admirably condensed, of a model bishop. To its fulfilment it requires the fervent piety of a true Christian and the constant zeal of an acute student together with the large prudence of a man of affairs.

All these are abundantly found in Ambrose. And if it happened that in other and worse times his assertion of the spiritual independence of a bishop gave a foundation for what became the authority of the pope, it may be properly retorted that for him not to have done so then would have prevented many another better thing in later ages.

He was a more polished scholar than Hilary, and a more devout Christian than Damasus. Hence it was that his energy and skill contributed largely to the success of the Nicene orthodoxy in the West. Those times were troublous, and a cheerful and sunshiny temper like that of Ambrose was a vast auxiliary to the cause. He had been consecrated in , eight days after his election; and in he presided at the synod in Aquileia which deposed Palladius and Secundianus, the Arian bishops. By so doing, and by his general attitude, he incurred the anger of Justina, whose son, the younger Valentinian, he always upheld and shielded.

This comparison takes additional point from the use which Ambrose himself made of the story of Naboth in his defence of the Portian Church.

He had already encountered the smouldering idolatry of old Rome, headed by the rhetorician, Symmachus; but the eloquence 51 of Ambrose had borne down all opposition and that conflict was now at an end. A vindictive woman was, however, a greater danger than a clever orator, and he found this true when Justina, the Empress-mother, allied herself with the heretical Arians. His pious zeal was kindled in a moment. Give up churches to such a schismatic set as these? It was at Easter in the year that the Portian Church and its holy vessels were demanded for the use of the other party.

Then stood up both the old Roman and the new Christian in the single person of the Bishop of Milan. The sermon, which has survived to us, was preached on Palm Sunday, and in it he said that he would hold every religious edifice against heresy to the very death. Let them take his property; let them depose or destroy himself; let them do their worst—but for his part he would stand there unshaken for the truth. He would not incite riot and confusion, but he would not yield.

Gott helfe mir! God help me! He made one magnificent point in this discourse—the focal centre it was of the entire outburst of eloquent declamation. It was when he quoted what our Lord Himself had said. Is the Church the property of Caesar? It belongs unalterably to God. For God, then, it shall be kept. It shall never be surrendered to Caesar. The fight was really a siege. The sacred character of the churches protected their defenders. Ambrose invigorated the multitude who flocked to help him, and who organized relief parties to keep possession by day and by night.

To relieve the monotony of their watches, he frequently addressed them words of encouragement. His fine equanimity triumphed over the impending disaster. He taught the people there and then the hymns of the early Church. He composed tunes and instructed them in singing. And when at last he was able to discover the bodies of 52 Gervasius and Protasius, the ancient martyrs, he kindled in the spirits of his hearers such a fire that the popular voice was heeded even by the throne itself, and Justina was defeated and gave up the struggle.

The court actually retreated before the authority of the Church. Those were the days when the pastoral staff might be of wood, but the man who wielded it was of pure gold. This account needs the story of Theodosius to be immediately attached to it in order to make it stand out in its true relation to the character of Ambrose. The bishop met three great enemies during his career. First appeared Idolatry, championed by Symmachus; then followed Heresy, championed by Justina; and now came Despotism, behind which stood the beloved Theodosius, the Emperor-pupil, with his hands red from the massacre of Thessalonica.

The facts were these: a tumult had arisen in the circus at that place; Botheric, an imperial officer, had been killed; and the Emperor had in revenge put very many people to death. Some have even run the figures up to the incredible altitude of thirty thousand, and the massacre has been always regarded as involving seven thousand victims at the lowest estimate.

It was a brutal and a horrible act, and Ambrose came out as Nathan did before David and denounced it with the most withering reproaches. The Emperor cowered and bent before this sirocco of the truth.

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The speaker was poised so high above him in the assured calm of a steady rectitude that Theodosius could do nothing except yield. And yield he did; and for eight months he paid penance before he was restored. It was the penance of the German Henry which hastened the Reformation; it was the humiliation of Theodosius which preserved both rights and dignities to the Church. There is another side of Ambrose, and one on which Protestants will love to dwell. While his great disciple Augustine lent the weight of his authority to the doctrine that civil constraint might be used to bring men to orthodox beliefs, Ambrose always denounced that.

When Valentinian II. This was the first blood-stain on the white garments of the Church—the first in the long line of such sins against the Word and Spirit of Christ. Yet Adrian VI. And Mr. Simcox has noticed that the words which are used to describe his rhetorical power are almost all derived from eloqui. The other assemblage of expressions, drawn from disertus and the like, refer to the logical or learned weight of an argument. But what struck every one in the case of Ambrose was that he let the truth come mightily, just as he felt and believed it, with a swing and a vigor which was the outburst of his own majestic soul.

It was this which won his victories. It was this power of sincerity which made him the counsellor of Theodosius and the instructor of Gratian as well as the guardian of Valentinian II. But a victory more Christian was gained when thirty days of respite were fixed by his intercession between the sentence and execution of criminals. He shines upon us, from every angle of vision, as a character most pure, serene, and brave. The siege in the basilica at Milan had an important bearing on the whole future of the Christian Church. We get also a picture of the man as a student—one whose voice would become worn by any extended public speaking, and who therefore read to himself in his private studies in a manner unusual apparently in that age—namely, as we do now, without opening his lips or articulating the words.

Thus we have the most important of contemporary testimony to some of these troublous scenes. Of the Ambrosian hymns themselves a great deal may be said. But it is impossible to agree with Dr. Neale admired gorgeousness and the splendor of ritual. He praises the Pange lingua of Aquinas altogether too much and he praises Ambrose altogether too little. The latest judgment—that of Mr. Simcox— Latin Literature , vol. We may pause a moment to inquire about the chants which bear his name, but we shall have slight enough information.

What these were and how they were sung, we do not accurately know. We do know, however, that Ambrose employed but four notes the tetrachord where we have subdivided the various tones into the octave. The Germans do not profess to tell us anything more definite than this.

The actual hymns are to be reckoned up in several ways. First comes the mass of Ambrosiani , including hymns of Gregory the Great and of other and much later authors. Many have been foisted into this category because they were found in old breviaries and manuscripts. Then from these we may separate the presumed originals —of which a large proportion are now known to belong to other writers. These misapprehensions are due to such compilers as Fabricius, Cassander, Clichtove, and Thomasius, who were not invariably correct and who perpetuated their designations through later works. Still a third class are the possible originals , selected by the judicious but not always accurate zeal of the Benedictines of St.

Maur when they edited the collected works of the great bishop. And last of all can be placed the probable originals —those hymns which are authenticated by Augustine and by St. Caelestin A.

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For our own purposes a fifth class can even yet be formed from the last named group—the undoubted originals , which will comprise only those attested by contemporary authority. These have, for one reason or another, been assigned to Ambrose. It is to be remembered that the Tristes erant is a part of the Aurora lucis rutilat , and that in many cases the hymns are very much intermingled.

A rigid designation is therefore impossible. The fourth class comprehends what may be called Ambrosiani —the Sedulian and Gregorian and other hymns being simply excluded from the list. The last class are those hymns, formerly called Ambrosian, but now known to be the work of other hands. Here, then, we have what may be called substantially the earliest hymn-book of the Latin Church. Of course there were other hymns which were very soon separated and properly assigned, but not until the fifteenth century was any intelligent analysis attempted, and it is even now—as can be easily seen—a matter not of dogmatic certainty, but of scholarly authority and inherent probability.

It may not be improper to add, however, that in these hymns we find some of the purest and most pious of praises. The honor of the Virgin Mother and of the saints has not yet been attempted. The martyrs, Stephen and Agnes and Agatha, are alone mentioned, if we except an occasional and somewhat doubtful tribute to others. These are hymns of worship and of prayer—of adoration and of fellowship. The closing scenes in the life of the great bishop were such as became his past. His funeral address over his brother Satyrus is like that of Bernard over his brother Gerard, or like that of Melanchthon above the dead Luther.

His eulogy of Theodosius, whom he survived but two years, is conceived in a strain of lofty poetry, several paragraphs opening with the repeated phrase Dilexi virum illum. I loved that man! Ambrose died on the night after Good Friday, A. Paulinus, his biographer, was taking notes of the commentary pronounced by his dying master on the 43d psalm. It was a scene like that at the deathbed of the Venerable Bede. The failing bishop said that he heard angelic voices and saw the smiling face of Christ; and the reverent scribe avows that the face which looked on his own was bright, and that around that aged head shone until the very last an aureole of glory.

Let us allow much charity to the miracles and to the superstition of that time, but let us also remember the gravity and sweetness of the poet-bishop. Aurelius Prudentius Clemens has received rather more than his due share of renown. His works have been edited by the most careful scholars. But the most elegant is that of Parma , 2 vols. The text of these various editions is derived from what is called the Codex Puteanus, now in the Paris Library—a manuscript dating into the fifth or sixth century.

In all, there have been nearly a dozen of them, of which that of R. Langius , 4to is the true princeps —the very earliest. And in the matter of editorship, it is worthy of note that Erasmus did not disdain to expend his fine classical skill upon the hymns for Christmas and the Epiphany. The value of his poetry turns largely upon its theological and historical merits—both of which are considerable. It is not structurally perfect by any means, and yet it has furnished several very lovely hymns to the Church—graceful and delicate, rather than strong or inspiring.

In giving him his name it is safe to take that which is usually adopted: Aurelius Prudentius , surnamed Clemens or the Merciful.

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To this has occasionally been prefixed Quintus or Marcus , but neither has sufficient authority in its favor. He was a Spaniard, and the main facts concerning his life are learned from his own metrical preface to his poems. Probably few questions have been more closely discussed by the learned than this of his birthplace. He was doubtless of good family. Those industrious and microscopic editors who have devoted themselves to his fame have laid great stress upon the names Aurelius and Clemens.

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The Aurelii , they say, were distinguished and well-born people. The Clementes were also of notable memory. And there were two Prudentii beside himself who obtained rather more than ordinary distinction. In this he was so successful that the original is now lost, the condensation alone remains, and our Prudentius is often known as Prudentius Major , to differentiate him from this troublesome Minor , who was a preceptor of Walafrid Strabo.

In regard to two other hymns—the Corde natus and the Vidit anguis —an element of doubt has been introduced by this same person. Faustinus Arevalus was nothing if not a hymn-tinker see Christian Remembrancer , vol. The hymn Virgo Dei genitrix 65 of the fifteenth century is ascribed to another of the five Prudentii. This sort of blunder is by no means unusual.

We have an instance in point with reference to the very Consul Salia in whose consulship our poet tells us that he was born. A similarity between Coss. Salia and Massalia misled the learned. They saw in this a proof that Massilia Marseilles was his birthplace, and Prudentius was at once claimed for France.

But we have now unravelled and disentangled the greater part of this obscure coil. Prudentius himself tells us nothing about his family, beyond what we derive by inference. The deeper that we plunge into this labyrinth of guesses the further we are from being settled in opinion. The exhaustive—and, let us add, the exhausting—editor of the latest edition finally calls a halt in the middle of his complicated Latin sentences and avows himself utterly at a loss about the truth. There is then some comfort left to us in cutting and untying these knots; for whatever view we may advance has found distinguished and earnest championship already!

On the whole, Teoli appears a reliable leader, and him we have mostly followed, as later authors, such as Professors Fiske and Teuffel, seem to have done before us. Let us say, then, that he was born in , Philippus and Salia being consuls, at Calahorra, which lies up the Ebro and to the northwest of Saragossa. To-day Calahorra is a small place of a few thousand inhabitants, but it furnishes two other notable facts to history in addition to its claim to be the birthplace of Prudentius.

It was this little fighting town which resisted Afranius, whom Pompey sent to take it in 78 B. It may be added that paganism was very early abandoned in all this region. The parents of Prudentius gave him a good education. He possessed, says Teoli, ingenium acre, disertum, ferax —talent that was keen, eloquent, and fruitful. It would appear that he gave the rein to his vices and that his life was not very rapidly turned into the ways of Christianity. He was at first called to the bar and made judge in two towns of considerable size, which may perhaps have been Toledo and Cordova.

About the year he is supposed to have gone to Rome and to have been favorably received by Honorius the Emperor, who then promoted him to some sort of honorable office in his native country. At fifty-seven years of age, as he himself tells us, he began to cultivate literature. He had retired from active life, much as Chaucer did in later days. He gave himself to sacred things—to hymns in honor of God and of the saints, and to poems against paganism and in favor of Christian duty. His poems have Greek titles. First comes the Psychomachia the Battles of the Soul —in hexameter—treating of the conflict in a Christian soul between virtue and vice.

The contrasts are arranged somewhat like those of Plutarch between the Greek and Roman leaders, only, of course, the antithesis is decidedly against the vices. Here stand Faith opposed to Idolatry, and Chastity facing Impurity, and Patience resisting Anger, and Humility contrasted with Pride, and Sobriety pre-eminent over Excess, and Liberality vanquishing Covetousness, and Concord healing the wounds caused by Dissension.

There are nine hundred and fifteen lines in the poem. The Peristephanon Concerning Crowns has twelve hymns in honor of various martyrs. Simcox notes that these are almost idyllic in form, and that there is much made of the white dove which flies from the burning pile about St. Eulalia and of the violets which the girls should bring to the tombs of the virgin martyrs. It may be interesting to name the martyrs thus celebrated. There were two from Calahorra; then Laurentius and Eulalia; eighteen who suffered at Saragossa; Vincentius, and finally Fructuosus and Quirinus, bishops both.

Then comes a poem on the Baptistery at Calahorra translated in Blackwood , vol. These poems, it should be said, are various in metre and some are quite long. The Cathemerinon a Book of Hours is the real mine whence the most of the hymns which were composed by Prudentius are taken. In this we have hymns for cock-crowing and morning; before and after food; at the lighting of the lamp; and before retiring to rest.

With these are joined others for the use of those who are fasting, and at the conclusion of the fast; for all hours and at the burial of the dead; the work ending with hymns for Christmas and Epiphany. The Apotheosis consists of poems relating to the errors of all the heretics that can be named—Patripassians, Arians, Sabellians, Manichaeans, Docetae, etc. The value of this to ecclesiastical history is easily perceived. It has more than a thousand hexameters and it treats additionally of the nature of the soul and of sin and of the resurrection.

This last is a sort of religious picture gallery ranging from Adam to the Apocalypse in hexametrical epigrams. There is reason to doubt whether it be what Prudentius originally composed. If he followed his usual vein of abundant verse, there is no question but that these half a hundred epigrams would be more popular than his very extensive poetical treatment of such subjects. It is left us to mention the two books against Symmachus, the Roman senator, whom Ambrose so earnestly and successfully opposed.

Symmachus had purposed to restore the idols, revive the revenues of the pagan temples, and generally to cast out Christianity from Rome. The poetry of Prudentius is again valuable here, for it plunges into the origin and baseness of idolatry, describing the conversion of Rome, and presenting a picture of the times which is invaluable to the historian. It is from the pages of Prudentius that we learn the cruelty of the purest of the Roman women, when. Lawrence preserves an historical fact which was not appreciated in its full significance until our own times.

Nothing of it was left except the initial C. The statue was erected in the year , and the order was abolished by the younger Theodosius in , so that her conversion must have taken place between those two dates. The conversion of a person filling a place of such high honor in pagan eyes, of a Vestalis maxima , must have been a severe blow to the pagan party, which in Rome was making a fierce but hopeless fight for the old worship. Yet we find no other reference to it in literature, unless the letter of Symmachus to a Vestal, of whom he had heard that she meant to withdraw from her order, was addressed to Claudia.

It is uncertain in what year or in what part of Spain Prudentius died. Conjecture varies between and A. This infinitude of filmy particulars causes one to feel as if he were walking through spider-webs of a morning in the country. This hard, practical nineteenth century only experiences a sense of annoyance as it encounters the elaborate nothings of that strangely laborious, all-gathering scholarship which prevailed in the sixteenth and seventeenth.

To create any intensity of interest to-day requires an imagination which would sacrifice truth to attractiveness. But certainly, from what we can see of the man in his works, we can have no hesitation in pronouncing a verdict highly favorable both to his poetry and his piety. It is he who in the Jam moesta quiesce querela struck the first notes which were to vibrate in the Dies irae. It is he again who in the Ales die nuntius anticipated Henry Vaughan and his. And so it is still he who casts the ray of his fancy upon Bethlehem and upon the Transfigured Christ.

Here is the Quicumque Christum quaeritis in proof of his real genius:. I have changed the two last stanzas into the second person instead of the third. Otherwise the rendering is a faithful and literal version of the hymn. This, then, is a good proof of the genuine ring of true metal to be found in Prudentius. The variety and flexibility of his measures, in spite of archaic or post-classical words and phrases, deserves our highest praise.

Here is another of his hymns, the Nox et tenebrae et nubila , which has obtained a place in the Roman Breviary:. The same leading idea of the analogy of the natural light with the spiritual runs through the following:. Prudentius undoubtedly exhibits the early traces of observances which are peculiar to the Roman Catholic Church. In one of his hymns the Cultor Dei memento he advises that the sign of the cross be made upon the forehead and above the heart:. But we have not the space, nor is this the proper occasion, to follow him through those matters which belong to the church historian more than to the hymnologist.

Empower yourself by discerning the difference between vulnerability and weakness. Evolve your relationship to the survival instinct; don't let fear and habits tell you who you are! The truth of you is emanated into the world through your choices about how you react to your creations.

If issues come up again, it doesn't mean you're broken, it means you're going deeper; allow yourself to go deeper with it. Feelings are not emotions! Feelings are a deep and powerful pathway to ascension based on what is actually occurring in this moment. Be vulnerable. Tell the truth. Be honest about your feelings. Be willing to admit when you want to learn something. Open to the fact that you don't know everything. When you're tempted to be in the past or the future, we invite you to say: "Am I courageous enough to be with me now?

Am I courageous enough to attend to my concerns about me? My fascination about me. My insight about me. Am I courageous enough to do that? The answer is the doorway to the next level of your spiritual growth. The true nature of your infinite, and immortal self resides just a breath away in any moment, and it exists for you to access at any time. During a channeling session, each of The Council members take turns sharing their teachings. Each Council member has a distinct personality, style of delivery, and focus. The Council is best known for their multitude of practical tools, which support our journey out of the fear-based operating system into the consciousness-based operating system.

Each of the Homo Spiritus Sessions books can stand alone, but taken together will allow the reader to follow along with the progression of the teachings including the introduction, in-depth explanation, and evolution of T Get A Copy. The Jesus Equation by James Alford, 3rd - The Jesus Factor by Roxanne B. Trotter - - pages. The Joshua Factor by Jonathan B.

The Homo Spiritus Sessions, Vol. 4 (Electronic book text)

Krogh - The journey by Tom Brown - - pages. The Journey Home by Kathy Oddenino - - pages. Nottingham - - pages. The Journey of the Messiah by Joseph Pye, calibre 0. The Journey of Western spirituality - - pages. The Judgment of Humanity by James P. Van Bibber - - 35 pages. The Just Law of Compensation by S.

Parchment - - pages. The Key to Eden by Aankh Benu - - pages. The kiss of heaven by Darlene Zschech - - pages. The kitchen mystic by Mary Hayes-Grieco - - pages. Garden - - pages. The land of living men by Ralph Waldo Trine - - pages. The Lazarus Effect by Roderick L. Evans - - 26 pages. Bousson - - pages. The letter and the spirit by Robert Edward Bartlett - - pages. The Life Cycle by Denise Mistich - - pages. The Life Force by Myrna L. Goehri Etheridge - - pages.

Williams - - 56 pages. The Life of Meaning - - pages. The Life of Spirit by Robert R. Leichtman, Carl Japikse - - pages. The Life of the Creative Spirit by H. Charles Romesburg - - pages. The life of the spirit by Hamilton Wright Mabie - - pages. The Lifework Principle by Rick Sarkisian - - pages. The Light on Masonry by David K. Bernard - - pages. The Light Within by Karen Flagg - The Lighted Trail by Doris Smith - - 52 pages. The Lightworker's Handbook by Carole Gold - - 98 pages.